MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: multipart/related; boundary="----=_NextPart_01C7AFFD.2DC4D710" This document is a Single File Web Page, also known as a Web Archive file. If you are seeing this message, your browser or editor doesn't support Web Archive files. Please download a browser that supports Web Archive, such as Microsoft Internet Explorer. ------=_NextPart_01C7AFFD.2DC4D710 Content-Location: file:///C:/251422B3/NYPioneers.htm Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable Content-Type: text/html; charset="us-ascii" New Young Pioneers

The New Young Pioneers

Transcending Political Barriers through the Facilitation of Sports in Malawi

 

With the U= nited States currently embroiled in campaigns around the world which require the reconstruction, and in many cases, the creation, of democratic institutions= , this survey of sports and youth in Malawi offers some valuable insights on incor= porating the youth into developing their communities, which stands as a critical tas= k in any initiative focused on instilling democratic ideas and overcoming the di= fficulties that all democracies inevitably encounter in the early stages of their existence.

Cultivatin= g the youth into prosperous citizens has been a disheartening process in Malawi.  In the past, elite political inter= ests have used youth development projects as a way to exploit children to gain politi= cal power.  Children have been mob= ilized to secure elite ambitions rather than the positive reinforcement of the youth.  This essay will survey= the evolution of youth movements in Malawi and show how sport has proven to be a model worth incorporating towards furthering youth development.

The Malawi Young Pioneers

The Young = Pioneers were established in 1963 by the newly appointed Prime Minister, Dr. Kamuzu Banda in order to mobilize the youth behind a nationalist development agend= a.  As an “elite wing” of = the League of Malawi Youth, the Young Pioneers were indoctrinated with the fund= amentals of Kamuzuism:  Unity, Loyalty, Obedience, and Discipline.  These principals were ingrained in= to the children similar to other nationalist youth movements around the world (Chi= nese Red Scarves, Israelie B’nai Akiva, and American Boy Scouts stand as examples) – through ritualistic customs that enforce the strength of = the state.   

At one of = 24 bases the Young Pioneers were trained in agriculture, building, and various activities to facilitate rural development.  Donor nations supported the moveme= nt since it provided a means to disrupt the flow of unemployed youth to urban areas.= [1]  In principle the Young Pioneers wer= e a positive creation.  However, a= fter the Cabinet Crisis of 1964, Kamuzu Banda and the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) found it necessary to eliminate all form of opposition to their rule.  The rise of Banda’s dictator= ship was partly facilitated by the Young Pioneers movement.  They ensured Dr Banda, the “= all powerful and all knowing leader”, was elevated to a divine position in the people’s minds.[2] 

In order to consolidate power, Banda used the youth organization as “agents of pa= rty terror”.  The Young Pion= eers were changed from a positive outlet for youth into a “combination of political militia and intelligence network [sic]”.  Advisors from Israel and Taiwan taught firearms, martial arts, and various military tactics to the Young Pioneers.= [3]  With these paramilitary skills, th= ey crushed any form of political mobilization.  The Jehovah’s Witnesses, a s= ect of several thousand followers in Malawi, often faced violent retaliation for refusing to purchase party cards.  Banda officially decreed the relig= ious sect illegal, and many were detained, driven into exile, or murdered since = the mid-1960s.= [4]   

In the 1980’s, Banda’s one party state began to weaken as concealed economic problems were exposed.  Calls for liberalization compelled conservative powers to tighten state control, = but the Young Pioneers became more difficult to regulate.  A battle eventually erupted betwee= n the Malawian Army and the Young Pioneers.  In 1992, Operation Bwezani, broke the backbone of the paramilitary organization, and sent most into exile.&nb= sp; The fall of the Young Pioneers and the rise of multi-party politics opened the door for positive reinforcement of the youth; however, the vacuu= m of power compelled politicians to mobilize the youth in a negative direction.<= /p>

UDF Young Democrats

The rise of multi-party politics created new opportunities for those long disenfranchised under the legacy of Kamuzuism.  The UDF (United Democratic Front) = became victors of the democratic surge capturing a majority in parliament and the election of the new President, Bakili Muluzi.  The UDF quickly seized control of politics by constructing its own militant wing called the Young Democrats:  children trained to support the new president, not a new paradigm.  Researcher, Harri Englund notes a perpetuation of power through violence and intimidation from the Young Pion= eers to the Young Democrats.  He rationalizes it as a:

“persistent perception of the state president as bwana, a mas= ter who is above criticism…”[5]

 

 Such a reverence for the president,= and the idea he can do no wrong is attributable to the lack of democratic values and the enduring top-down mentality prevalent in Malawi.

In an inte= rview conducted by journalist Peter Banda (himself a victim of violence at the ha= nds of the Young Democrats), an undisclosed source revealed the undemocratic business behind the Young Democrats.  In 1993, Young Democrats were assigned security roles for the UDF.  In 1999, during the campaign for B= akili Muluzi’s re-election, Young Democrats took part in disrupting opposit= ion rallies.  Children were entice= d with adventure as they were driven around in fancy trucks and supplied crates of beer.  The children were given= an allowance for their participation in breaking up opposition political event= s, upwards of 10,000 kwacha ($10).  As the interviewee describes: 

“They give us money as incent= ives for causing political violence and a vehicle to use in the operations.̶= 1;= = [6]

 

Mr. Moyo, UDF Director of t= he Youth, responded to this claim with the following: 

“I must confess sometimes the Young Democrats beat up opposition leaders and journalists (…) Can you blame the patriotic youth for beating up politicians who have no respect for the president?”[7]  

 

It is evi= dent that the prevailing logic behind violence as an effective coercive tactic d= id not change from one era to another. 

Given the lack of economic opportunities available for young Malawians, it is eas= y to see the logic behind the following statement:

“I am involved in these atrocities because I am poor and uneducated. I have nothing to do. I worry = about my [sic] today's problems and n= ot about the future.”[8]

 

Youth involvement with political parties in Malawi, while important in cr= eating a future democratic state, is currently doing more damage than good.  The youth are taken advantage of f= or the furtherance of political agendas.  While individual politicians may find the advancement of their natio= nal agendas important, it is often done so at the expense of youth who are easi= ly exploitable. What is needed is a national youth movement wholly absent from= the machinations of self-interested politicians.  There are signs of such a desire a= mongst Malawian youth themselves.  In= 1999, young people formed a political group called Movement for the Young Generat= ion.  It was to be formed and led by you= ng people, absent of the manipulations of UDF or MCP.  The party soon disbanded, but it provided a glimpse of the frustration coming from the youth towards their politicians.[9]

SM Galaxy

Another important movement is that which forms the argument of this essay, the empo= werment of youth through sports.  Spor= ts can be attributed to developing the youth from the earliest age to adulthood.  I recently witnessed the power of = sport firsthand during a five week trip to Malawi in the summer of 2006.=   As a recent graduate of the University of California Berkeley, I planned on documenting my travels and interviewing as many people as possible on the importance of sports in their lives.  I spent the majority of my documentary work with a local soccer club= , SM Galaxy - created by Unive= rsity of California, Asso= ciate Professor of Linguistics Sam Mchombo as a way to inspire the youth to be active in sports and community service.  What I found was a g= roup of young men, in the midst of extreme economic poverty, making a difference= in their community and having fun at the same time.  It was, to say the least, inspirat= ional.

The irony is that I found SM Galaxy living the same pillars Dr. Banda instilled= in the Young Pioneers: Unity, Loyalty,= Obedience, and Discipline without even knowi= ng it.  These values were being appli= ed in their own lives and in ways that lifted up their community, rather than the image of a single man.  While w= ith SM Galaxy, they volunteered a few hours to clean St. Michaels Church in Blantyre, they spe= nt time with children at a local orphanage; they donated soccer balls to prisoners = at Chichiri Prison, and spoke to the developing National Women’s Soccer = Club – encouraging them with much needed donations of football equipment. =

I realized sports can be a positive influence on the lives of youth and the communities they live in.  Spe= aking with a few members of the National Women’s Soccer Club, I noticed a s= ense of empowerment not often seen among traditional Malawian women.  It was only a few years ago, women= were forced to become members of Banda’s dance troupe, otherwise known as = his mbumba to “glorify his posit= ion and to legitimate his power as Father of the Nation”= [10].  But today, women in sports can bec= ome true democrats with greater knowledge, confidence, and self-esteem.  The reality of AIDS in Africa elevates the importance of sexual empowerment more then ever before.

Sam Mchombo explains how sports can be manipul= ated in contrasting ways: 

“(…) just as soccer can= be exploited to secure votes in political campaigns, or unify people, it can equally be used to solidify ethnic rivalries or promote bigotry.”= [11] 

 

Thus, he explains, development must reign as a specific objective of any sports prog= ram in Malawi; otherwise, the potential for political exploitation by competing factions i= s a reality that can not be dismissed.

When power is threatened, political parties in Malawi have proven they will manipulate the youth to advance the party’s influence.  As a result, development is limite= d to the party rather than the youth or their communities.  Given the expense of developing and maintaining large sports programs, politics will likely remain an active component of future growth of sports in Malawi.  However, small community based organizations like SM Galaxy hold great promise for further support of simi= lar efforts.

A few organizations in the United States have caught on to the work SM Gal= axy has done and are providing support to them.[12]  The young soccer club realizes wha= tever gifts they receive from outside the country come in appreciation for the wo= rk they have done and the work they will commit themselves to in the future. <= span style=3D'mso-spacerun:yes'> International donors should pay att= ention to small organizations like SM Galaxy that do not hold allegiance to any political party.  They are imp= ortant avenues to direct future development aid.&= nbsp;

 

 

Matthew Dearing, is a former US Marine who recently earned his B.A. in International Political Economy at T= he University of Califo= rniaBerkeley.  He will be entering graduate schoo= l next fall.  He is currently produci= ng a documentary on community service in Malawi.  His work can be found at www.mattdearing.com.

 

 



[1] Phir= i, Kings M.  A Case of Revolutionary Change in Contemporary Malawi:&n= bsp; The Malawi Army= and the Disarming of the Malawi Young Pioneers.  Journa= l of Peace, Conflict, and Military Studies.=   Vol. 1, No. 1, March 2000 .

[2] Ibid= .

[3] Ibid= .

[4] The Catholic Institute for International Relations (CIIR).  Malawi= : A Moment of Truth: CIIR Comment.=   1993.

[5] Engl= und, Harri.  The Culture of Chameleon Politics.  A Democracy of Chameleons.  Politics and Culture in the New Malawi.  Ed. Harri Englund.  Christian Literature Association i= n Malawi.  Blantyre, 2001.

[6] Banda, Peter.&n= bsp; Malawi’s Young Democrats.  A View From Inside the Ranks.  eAfrica.  Vol. 2, April 2004.  The South African Institute of International Affairs.

 

[7] Ibid= .

[8] Ibid= .

[9] Chirambo, Reuben Makayiko.  Mzimu wa Soldier:  Contemporary Popular Music and Pol= itics.  Democracy of Chameleons.  Politics and Culture in the New Malawi.  Ed. Harri Englund.  Christian Literature Association i= n Malawi.  Blantyre, 2001.

[10] The Catholic Institute for International Relations (CIIR).  Malawi: A Moment of Truth: CIIR Comment.=   1993.

[11] Mchombo, Sam.  Sports and Development in Malawi.  Soccer and Society.  Vol. 7, No. 2-3, April-July 2006.<= /p>

[12] For= a more complete analysis on SM Galaxy, their history and community work see a= bove reference of Sam Mchombo.

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